Showing posts with label finance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label finance. Show all posts

Sunday, June 15, 2014

Let's Play... Capitalism

Capitalism
Interactive Magic, 1995

originally played on PC

There’s a certain joy when things work right and plans can be seen appropriately to their conclusion. A leveraged predictability, as it were. Much like its namesake, Trevor Chan’s Capitalism (1995) involves the appreciation of the beauty in systems which manifest the will of their designer when adroitly administered. The North American protestants were correct: it is in money that we find God.

I’ve always had a strange relationship with capitalism, and one which I am still trying to properly navigate. For a short while as a youth, I was able to realise a small capitalist fiefdom in the comics trade, at least in my home town of Thunder Bay where the population was low enough that you could easily be the best at something if you just paid sufficient attention. Two of my friends from childhood had followed this advice all the way to the Olympics, although they didn’t end up placing in their competitions. From grade five through grade seven, one of them was in a small group of playground vengeance justice seekers with me and a girl named Brie Gibson. I loved Brie a lot, my first real crush in fact, and we were together often before she died in grade six under mysterious circumstances related to her asthma and possibly to her violently abusive father. Like every other playground, ours was one which demonstrated elements of the market dynamics we were going to learn to love as adults with tendencies toward social democracy. At times throughout our youth, especially around the fifth and sixth grades, friends and I were bullied for lunch money or the comic books we were reading or because the day was a little cloudy with a potential for rain later so what the fuck. A piece of shit two or three years older would come out of nowhere, push one of us down or catch somebody in a headlock, and make demands with insults. Being reasonably athletic ourselves, we weren’t often targets. But as with bully plots in cartoons and plenty of videogames – I’m thinking not only of The Adventures of Willy Beamish (1990) but of course Bully: Scholarship Edition (2008), Rockstar’s tenderly satirical entry into the topic – even the good guys have to face the music some of the time. Frankly almost every game with a bad guy (or girl) falls into the bully category, as bad guy behaviour often amounts to pushing the player and/or other elements of the gameworld around in order to realise some nefarious desire or other.

Not to invoke the Freud I don’t really believe in, but bullies are the manifestation of certain impulses within all of us. An id unencumbered by reason or morality, which seeks no other absolution but the realization of its own pleasure. Role-playing and strategy games often deploy the bully motif in their ultimate bad guy. Taking all of the land's resources for themselves or stealing a king's power. Theft and intimidation through force is childish and everyone knows it, but the trick involves knowing what is possible to improve the situation. In our playground days, intimidated for sport or lunch money, we decided to band together and act as a ramshackle anti-bully brigade. Trevor was learning how to box, Brie was pretty good with Judo and told us she was going to learn kickboxing next, and I was good at taunting, distraction, and hit-and-run tactics. Combined arms were impenetrable, we thought, as we patrolled the school yard looking to end trouble. We took down three of the worst people at our school, miserable metalhead fucks with long greasy hair and black leather jackets with Iron Maiden and Judas Priest patches and ripped Adidas hightops who had stayed at least a year too long past the eighth grade. That was probably what made them the angriest – seeing their friends graduate while they stayed behind. It was the Maiden and Priest patches which pissed me off the most about them, even more than having been beaten up several times. I loved those bands and hated being beaten up by those idiots.

in the virtual world, women have an equal shot at being CEO
Trevor Chan’s Capitalism is an economic simulation with a clean interface and solid game mechanics. You set up a department store and a supply chain with distribution, manufacturing, and resource extraction in place, sell the whole thing with some advertising, and hope for the best. Of course, this hope is guided by a thorough grounding in the principles of finance mathematics, and understanding the volumes of data offered to players is key to success in the game. In every way the game invokes the kind of nerdy entrepreneurial DIY aesthetic best exemplified by the small business and adult learning documentaries produced by TVOntario and PBS: the bright arpeggiated synthesizers, the clean Euclidean graphics, the friendly narrator who sounds like some unholy cross between Donald Sutherland and everyone’s Dad. Full confession: I have an inescapable nostalgia for low budget business and technology public television documentaries from the 1980s and early 1990s, such as Bits and Bytes (1983) and The Computer Chronicles (1983 – 2002); admittedly, both of these examples are computer related, as I cannot for the life of me remember the names of any of the financial shows and a five-minute search online has not allowed me to recover TVO or PBS broadcast schedules from the 1980s. Much like these shows, Capitalism presents itself functionally before it worries about its aesthetics, resulting, of course, unavoidably, in a significant and interesting aesthetic. I'm certainly not alone in loving those arpeggiated synths.

life as a modern industrialist
Capitalism has gameplay elements from strategic builders and resource exploitation games such as The Seven Cities of Gold (1984), Sim City (1989), and Sid Meier's Civilization (1991), as well as trading games such as Elite (1984), The Patrician (1992), and Merchant Prince (1993) and economic simulations such as Air Bucks (1992) and Sid Meier's Railway Tycoon (1990) – perhaps we can collect these seemingly disparate games under the generic nomenclature of ‘managerial’ games, in which the purpose and pleasure of play is the optimization of a logical system of economic administration. The system is easy: buy low, sell high. Make sure that the supply lines are economically sustainable and consistent in their operation. Advertise so that everyone knows about and buys your product. Isn’t capitalism easy? Actually, Capitalism is not at all easy, unless you cheat and keep giving yourself free millions. That being said, I was usually able to turn a steady profit in this game and other economic simulators. Kind of like how after concluding most role-playing games, you end up with far too much money to spend on yourself. Lacking charitable options in nearly every game in existence except Ultima IV: Quest of the Avatar (1986), you end the game a millionaire with no power for consumption.

buy low / sell high / eat well
If only my actual life reflected such financial ease and capability. My childhood comic book enterprise was successful until adult capital priced me out of the market. Having taken a tip from the uncle of a BFF (which ended up not being so F) to buy as many copies of the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles comics that I could, I entered the playground of capital with a small hole in my pocket but with the knowledge that would carry me through anything. The Turtles are going to be the next Cerebus, he told me, confident with a cigar and his arms crossed over stacks of porn magazines, both lines of merchandise also being sold in his book store. Buy now, hold onto them for a while, then sell when the going’s good. Like many things related to both capitalism and Capitalism, it was a supply and demand issue. The first few printings of the comics were horribly mangled by the publisher and sold at discount to retailers. As a result, these issues were limited to only a few thousand copies. Precocious and willful, I had convinced comic book stores all over the city to order copies in for me to buy. In the end, I had a copy of the 1st print of #1, two #2s, and multiple copies of other valuable issues as well. I sold most of them for immense profit at the height of the mass popularity of the Ninja Turtles, that period when they turned from indie comic darlings into a steaming pile of mainstream shit pushing pizza and videostore coupons and appearing in costume on talk shows and printed on pyjamas and bath towels and moulded plastic in play-doh. Hyped beyond almost anything else in the comic book world, the new corporate Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles were supposed to be amazing. Of course I had continued to collect the original black and white comic series and all of the spin-offs and one-shots. As DIY independent publications, indie comics were often forums for their authors to voice their opinions. Dave Sim famously went either nuts or misogynistic or both as Cerebus matured and many readers lost interest. Kevin Eastman and Peter Laird, the creators of the Ninja Turtles, spent month after month telling us about how excited they were about the coming toy lines, about how great the TV show was going to be, how there was a movie on the horizon. They never did talk about the tens or likely hundreds of millions of dollars which they were going to be making as they quite literally sold out their independent DIY comic book idea to a major corporation seeking a transmedia entertainment property on which to balance a slew of industrial properties and licensing opportunities. 

computer gaming: a nice way to relax from the horrors of the office
I was eleven when the Ninja Turtles went mainstream and I was expecting a faithful adaptation of the comic books, not an easy prospect for an exceptionally gory and violent martial arts title which often featured swearing and sexual themes not allowed in mainstream comics. The marketing machine behind the newly commodified Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles sanitised everything about them, and in the process made everything lowest-common-denominatordumb. All of their characteristics were specifically tailored to cover the entirety of commercial youth demographics, from the stoner rejects of California and midwestern jocks to the east coast elite school wannabes and videogame nerds. Everything interesting about the original Turtles had been stripped away for mass market consumption, a bastardization best reified by the turtles’ newfound focus on pizza. Even the character of April O’Neil had changed, losing her feminist self-determination and computer programmer career and becoming simply another whining female sidekick, often an obstacle or prize for the machinations of the male characters in the narrative. Girls can’t be computer programmers, says capitalism. Girls have girl jobs like news reporting and being beautiful on TV. Gross, new Ninja Turtles. I fucking hated with a passion the new Ninja Turtles brought to me by capitalism. At least the arcade games were fun.

Selling Ninja Turtles comics for so much money – $1,150 for one issue, so much money for a thirteen-year old boy that I still have never told my parents about my comic book business; they thought I was just trading issues back and forth with friends – allowed me not only to purchase some musical equipment and follow another career path (itself later decimated under capitalism, but that’s another story) [update], but also try to up my game in the comics business. I used the money I made from believing in Ninja Turtles before they became something not worth believing in to invest in other comic book series which weren’t being offered for sale in stores in Thunder Bay and try to sell those books to the stores on commission. My friend Mark's older sister – a newwave icon for my entire childhood – clued me into a book called Love and Rockets. The whole operation was dependent on my knowledge of the books coming out which might be interesting. This is what made me believe in capitalism for the short delusion which is childhood. Success comes through skill and hard work. No problem, I thought, as I knew more about comics than a lot of people in my town and I was good at working hard. Knowledge is a skill, and I knew how to work to improve knowledge and understanding. But then I learned the truth about capitalism, an argument also expressed in Thomas Piketty’s book Capitalism in the Twenty-First Century. Namely that capital wins itself. That knowledge in and of itself is meaningless in the face of capital. Those who have money earn money, while those who do not have it do not – the most simple truth in all of human creation. Once a few of the adults picked up on what I was doing, they used their significantly greater fiscal assets to entirely push me out of the market. They didn't know anything about comic books, they just had more cash than I did. Within two weeks of my most successful sale I was pushed out of the ‘industry’ completely and lost both my purchasing and my selling clients. No deals on buying, no deals on selling. Just another plebeian. Game over, as they say.

of course capitalists have taken control of the media
If only my ability to earn money IRL could begin to match the mastery I can demonstrate in virtual economies. Wall street gets to play fake, why can’t I?

Thursday, May 30, 2013

The political use of copyright law by the Bank of Canada


I am curious about the politicised deployment of the Bank of Canada’s copyright interests. In response to a satirical image circulated by cartoonist Dan Murphy on or around May 29, 2013, the Bank of Canada issued a cease-and-desist order to Artizans, the distribution agency for the cartoon. Since Mr. Murphy intended the cartoon as political satire and is self-employed as a political satirist, it stands to reason that the Bank of Canada is grounding its complaints in the commercial activities of the ostensibly offending cartoonist. Surely such is within the legal jurisdiction of present copyright law in Canada. However, the question then becomes why the image of Canadian money is itself copyrightable material.

Copyright law is intended to protect the rights of content producers to the profitable sale of the material their create. Obviously, in the age of mechanical reproduction the ability to economically produce facsimiles of literature, fine  and commercial art, music, “IP”, and product design necessitates that the rights of creators be protected to ensure the continuing economic viability of such innovations.

To this end, I cannot help but wonder about the desire of the Bank of Canada to restrict the use of images referencing Canadian money. Certainly, measures to control the production and circulation of counterfit bills are necessary to protect the integrity of the monetary system. However, the deployment of copyright law against a political cartoon (or any other creative recontextualisation of such images as dollar bills) does not serve to protect either the integrity of the country’s monetary system, nor the commercial interests of the Bank of Canada, the producer of the images in question as protected under copyright. The Bank of Canada will not have its creation undervalued and will not face competition in the marketplace as a result of the breach of copyright law as reflected by Dan Murphy’s editorial cartoon. In fact, I would argue that the operations of the Bank of Canada, commercial or otherwise, are entirely unaffected by the creative recontextualisation of images of Canadian money. Moreover, the creative recontextualisation of the images of Canadian money is entirely within the public’s interest and right to live as informed and active citizens as protected by the freedom of expression clause of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, namely Section 2b of the Constitution Act.

Furthermore, in this particular instance the nature of the creative asset being protected needs to be examined. Unlike commercial products which require copyright provisions to maintain their economic and social value, money as instantiated in dollar bills and their likeness as representations (please note that the ontology of representation is beyond the scope of this letter; refer to your local university media studies/literature/philosophy department for details) is not the end product of commerce but rather the infrastructure by (and in) which commerce is enacted. This fact is the first indicator that the Bank of Canada is improperly applying copyright law to protect the creative recontextualisation of the images of Canadian money. Unlike the reproduction of an artist’s graphic design work, a musician’s song, or a company’s retail packaging, the reproduction of Canadian money does not devalue money in terms of either its economic or symbolic operations. Unlike a creative person or business which loses a sale to counterfeit goods, or has the price of sale affected by the availability of counterfeit reproductions, the marketplace in which the Bank of Canada operates is not affected by the reproduction of images of dollar bills. In no way is the Bank of Canada compromised in its function or intention. In its institutional capacity, the Bank of Canada is not a producer of goods, but rather a regulator of the infrastructure of commerce. As such, the end results of its operations, namely the dollar bills themselves, can be afforded no protections under current Canadian copyright law except to the extent that the counterfeit production of money is restricted. The Bank of Canada should indeed deploy copyright law to ensure that the majority of (if not all) bills in circulation have been manufactured by and remain under the supervision of the mint. Any other use of copyright law by the Bank of Canada oversteps the intentions of copyright provisions as well as the mandate foundational to the Bank.

Satire has a long history of constitutional protection as free speech. For satire to function, it must redeploy and recontextualise the contemporary images of politics, culture, art, science, technology, and economic practice. To focus on the present situation, political cartoons have a long history of using nationally-accurate depictions of dollar bills as important symbols and referents for the syntax and meaning in which the cartoon can be understood to operate. They also serve as visual shorthand frequently deployed in political cartoons for a variety of concepts such as greed and corruption. To be specific in this instance, Dan Murphy’s cartoon, which recontextualises a Canadian $50 polymer bill to make statements (again, which themselves have a long history of being protected by freedom of expression laws) about contemporary politics, namely the activities of one particular public figure and the (rather scandalous and illegal) activities responsible for the instance of their public notoriety presently. Despite the commercial nature of Mr. Murphy’s enterprise, his actions were protected under Section 29.1 of the Copyright Act as the syntax and content of the message relayed by the cartoon is one of political commentary and not one whereby the function or intentions of the Bank of Canada as manifest in the image of a dollar bill is in any way undermined or absconded by the cartoonist. Again, in no way does the cartoon challenge the “market” wherein the processes and institutions of money as regulated by the Bank of Canada operate. As copyright provisions are grounded in the idea that unauthorised reproduction devalues the market for the good or service in question, in no way can it be applied to the Bank of Canada’s “ownership” of dollar bills as images, as such cannot be understood to be a goods or services produced and sold in a competitive marketplace.

Here, I turn to what I interpret as the politicised deployed of copyright law by the Bank of Canada. The image of Canadian money has been reproduced on flyers disseminated for advertising purposes by supermarkets and dollar stores, and is routinely used on flyers produced and distributed by local businesses. Usually, the reproduced image signals to the reader of a sale or reduction in price, or of how the use of this product or service will save the reader money. Perhaps such is done outside of media reportage, but I have not heard of other instances where the Bank of Canada produces and delivers a cease-and-desist order to the ostensible copyright violator. In the case of Dan Murphy’s political cartoon, it appears to outside observers that the Bank of Canada is taking an interest in this particular “violation” of their copyright to silence a criticism against a scandal which extends throughout the ranks of the current government. As the Bank of Canada is a government institution, it is not much of a stretch for these same outside observers to question the political (and politicised) intentions of this particular intervention by the Bank of Canada.

Monday, October 03, 2011

A question and comment for Tim Hudak and the people who want to vote for him

Hi Tim. 

I'm curious about your platform. As I see it, if prisoners are going to be doing jobs that are normally done by municipal workers, while the PCs intend to shrink the public service, then the PC platform will raise the unemployment rate as many jobs will be lost.

The idea that employers will lay people off because of "higher taxes" is simply wrong. Are you trying to say that, for example, the Ford Motor Company will stop selling cars in Canada if we return the corporate tax rate to 1990s levels; they'll just pack up and go home? Nonsense. Corporations will remain operating in Canada so long as their product or service is profitable. However, the corporate tax rate only positively affects their profitability. Corporations pass their higher taxes along to the consumer in terms of higher prices. Higher prices do lessen demand for the product slightly, but corporations have mitigated the loss through higher revenue. Companies do not lay people off because of a tax hike, because such would affect their productivity negatively. They would not then be able to "bounce back" with improved market conditions, nor would they be able to react to the actions of their market competition.

Furthermore, numerous studies have already looked at the link between tax rates and employment and have determined that there is no statistical correlation. Taxes go up, employment stays about the same; taxes go down, employment stays about the same. 

The idea that tax cuts lead to job growth has also been demonstrated as false, using market principles. If I build bikes at my factory, I will hire employees when I need more bikes to be built for customers. More bikes will be built when demand for bikes is higher. As a corporate tax cut does nothing to stimulate demand for the product, my company will not sell more bikes. Instead, the tax cut will allow me to be more profitable. As a consequence, my business will not invest these profits into new hires, as I am not selling more bikes than I used to be selling. In fact, there are costs associated with overproduction, as well (warehousing, etc). Unless demand for bikes increases, my business will not hire a new employee. And with so many people newly unemployed by the loss of public sector jobs, there will be fewer people able to purcahse my bike, which translates into lower demand for my bikes. 

Allowing small businesses to be more profitable stimulates the broader econnomy by provoking more money to be spent local to the business (ie: in Ontario); in other words, small business people tend to spend their profits on goods and services in their communities. However, such does not occur when tax breaks are given to larger and multinational enterprises. Their profitability gains realized through tax cuts manifest as shareholder dividends, the vast majority of which are international in nature. Such money is not likely to be spent in Canada, let alone Ontario. 

In reality, once the corporate tax rate is competitive with other jurisdictions, further corporate tax cuts simply add to corporate profitability at the expense of revenues needed for social services and governmental programs. This process has been demonstrated time and time again over the course of the last fifty years. Canada currently has the same corporate tax rate as many "third-world" resource exporting countries, and Ontario is also exceptionally competitive with competing jurisdictions. In fact, it's the lowest tax rate of any developed industrial nation. Surely, as corporate tax cuts do little to stimulate the consumer economy, they do not need to go any lower.

So my question is the following: since corporate tax cuts will not magically produce jobs, what do you intend to do to keep Canadians -- especially the tens of thousands of public sector employees you plan on reducing -- working and paying taxes?

Wednesday, September 07, 2011

Open letter to Andrea Horwath and the Ontario New Democratic Party

Dear Andrea Horwath and the Ontario New Democratic Party,

I have just watched your first television spot presenting the NDP election platform, and am as a result seriously concerned with the direction the party is taking. In the ad Andrea talks about removing HST from a few essential services and products. Frankly, it appears as though a significant amount of the NDP campaign is based around this idea of giving back a few dollars in HST to working families. Such is indeed a noble effort, but you are guaranteed to lose this election based on that platform.

                It is certainly true that many families would benefit from the HST cut and, since the NDP philosophically orients itself with a strong middle-class, support for such policy would seem logical enough. However, Tim Hudak has centred his platform on middle-class tax cuts such as the exact HST exemption proposed by the NDP, and the Federal Conservatives have already lowered taxes for some working families.  Furthermore, regardless of whether it is objectively “true” or not the latent public discourse and awareness around Canadian political candidates – this narrative in which for most Canadians the political game is played between teams with distinct characteristics: namely that NDP candidates focus on social programs (because they don’t understand numbers) while the Conservatives focus on tax cuts (because they don’t understand culture) – ensures that many (if you like, “swing”) voters who want tax cuts will vote PC. In effect, by aligning the election platform almost exclusively on tax cuts, the NDP will be donating free advertising and support to the Conservative campaign. Many voters will interpret this “new” NDP position on taxes as an attempt to pander to them to buy their votes (even while simultaneously supporting the Conservatives for pandering to them in the same way, and even while liking Jack Layton as a person, etc...). As such, if you focus on the HST cuts for working families you will lose this election, and by extension so will working families.

                Instead of small dollar items, the NDP should focus on a long-term issue with real importance to working families, and indeed to the economic and social strength of the province and country as a whole. Beginning next year, the provinces will be renegotiating the health-care funding accords with the federal government. It is clear that the federal and provincial Conservative parties will speak about protecting health care while progressively removing its funding. This is the message that the NDP needs to get into their platform and their advertising campaign: “Who do you trust with health care: the party which supports corporate tax cuts or the party which invented public health care?”

Certainly the NDP has followed such a mantra in previous elections, to mixed reception. However, as your policy folks are well aware, a number of studies have been completed over the last ten years or so which empirically demonstrate the economic value of publically-funded health care. Typically, an explanation of the benefits of health care delivered as a public service, and perhaps more importantly as a representation of public wealth, requires a long conversation. Such long conversations are increasingly impossible within mainstream “consumer” electronic media, for a variety of reasons. It is very easy for conservative ideologies to be summarized in few words: “I don’t want to pay for it.” These words, while not new, have come to dominate political discourse right now, to the extent that the voters of Toronto voted in a complete liar in Rob Ford. Ford’s policies had no chance of being even remotely possible or even rational, and yet he won the election because people are desperate for hope, a public sentiment which the Ford campaign manipulated for victory. Rational minds can ineffectively fuss and fume all they want about the decline of democracy, as even when voters know that a candidate is lying, they will often support the idea behind “I don’t want to pay for it.” Perhaps this attitude is a result of everyone being nervous about their own economic situation, as many people continue to live in the 2008 recession and do not see many opportunities for recovery in their near-future. The trick for the NDP is that the party has to convince voters that certain public systems such as health-care and education are worth paying for. You will need to do this, or you will lose the upcoming election.

                So it is with this letter that I propose new words for the New Democratic Party, words which suggest hope and optimism which is so desperately needed and so easily manipulated, while simultaneously invoking the economic pragmatism so essential in these times. “Health Care Works” – simple, short, memorable, and a good entry point into a longer conversation about how public health care keeps families working in times of both hardship and success. Health care works because large employers such as Toyota have chosen Ontario precisely because of the social benefits of public health care and education. Public wealth makes better workers. Surely your strategists already know this. Even when they intend to actually cut taxes, the NDP is the party of health care, not tax cuts.

Regards,

Wednesday, May 19, 2010

Disaster is the New Normal



Earth Day came and went this year with little fanfare. Token stories about turning off the lights and cycling to work made their usual rounds in the news media. The 24-hour news networks sent camera crews to schools to watch children sing and make paper signs demonstrating the need for everyone to recycle things like paper. As always, nothing really changes for most people. Just the passing of another single day devoted to all things Earth-friendly – whatever that means – during which the penitent ritually cleanse their sins from the rest of the year. And then at some point in the late morning, news broke about a massive oil spill happening in the Gulf of Mexico.

British Petroleum, the company which “owns” the oil well, reports that 5,000 barrels of oil per day are spilling into the ocean, while independent experts have calculated a rate of flow as high as five to ten times that amount. For the past three weeks, we have all watched as the circus shitshow of BP’s improvised attempts to stop the flow of oil into the Gulf have failed. Their latest effort – a tube which has successfully diverted some of the oil to ships at the surface – is clearly intended to recover oil in order to bring it to market, rather than actually stop the flow of oil into the Gulf.

Meanwhile, efforts to mitigate the environmental disaster have centred upon not allowing the oil to reach the Louisiana and Florida shorelines. The logic in play revolves around the fact that the oil which stays underwater will not threaten anyone’s opinion on BP, offshore drilling, or oil use in general. Nevermind that the real environmental damage occurs under the surface of the water, as the marine ecosystem in the Gulf collapses due to contamination. Or that the Gulf of Mexico is connected to every other oceanic body, to which the oil could spread. In the age of the televisual out of sight is, of course, out of mind.

While many among the talking heads on television enjoyed their own hyperbole about this event having the potential to be the single worst environmental disaster in the history of the United States, the reality is that the Earth has been bleeding like this for decades. The BP oil spill is merely a singularity which makes visible a much larger field of gravity.



Certainly, there are many legitimate concerns about how the spill happened. It is true that the oil industry was able to lobby American lawmakers to the point where lax regulations and an “industry knows best” mentality removed some safety protocols which may have averted or mediated the spill. However, pointing fingers at the companies who successfully sell their products to consumers who want them is misguided. We North Americans are absurdly inefficient in our use of energy. It is our desire for an abundant supply of oil which convinced BP and other oil companies of the benefits of offshore drilling. We must now understand that the blue waters of the Gulf of Mexico are being discoloured by our inability to reduce oil use when alternatives to fossil fuels are increasingly presenting themselves.

In this capacity, it is we who are spilling the oil into the gulf, and we don’t stop there. As an aggregate dynamic, oil consumption is a process of continual spillage. We spill the remnants of oil into the atmosphere after it has been burned for energy, and we spill oil into the landfill after it has been transformed into plastics. The fact that such “spills” are relatively small in terms of each individual allows each of us to justify our mutual environmental disaster as the “normal way of doing things”.

As we get used to an increasing number of wide-scale environmental disasters, the rather ominous prospect arises that we have come to accept disaster as the new normal. In the wake of continual news about environmental damage around the globe, one might say that the BP spill is just another oil spill. Once the spill has been “contained” – an absurd impossibility – we will move on with our days, go for a drive, and buy another soda.

We must understand that humanity now functions as blind gods on Earth. Ours is the Anthropocene era. Our desires produce change which affects the entire planet, and we are engaging in this change without any idea of the consequences. The first conscious change we need to make is rhetorical. Whenever people talk about environmental issues, the phrase “saving the planet” comes up. The problem with this phrase is that it abdicates us from our responsibilities. Most people do not view themselves as heroes who “save” things, but as normal people living normal lives. They ask themselves How can one person make a difference? and so they don’t attempt to change their lifestyle much. Instead of “saving the planet”, we need to strive to “not wreck the planet”. Such a phrase might then allow a person who chooses to drive four blocks to the corner store to view this action in terms of wrecking the planet instead of not saving it.



There is one hope which must be retained, no matter how remote and complicated the scenario presents. Several years ago, BP adopted “Beyond Petroleum” as a new motto for the new millennium. Perhaps after a few more months of oil contaminating the waters which sustain life on this planet, human civilisation will finally understand the sublime and graceful logic of these two simple words.

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Gas High




As another week passes in 2008, we read daily reports about the rising costs of gasoline in this country. Motorists scream in alarm as gas prices continually reach new highs: greater than $1.20 per litre in Ontario; greater than $1.35 per litre in Québec. Rural commuters complain that they require nearly a quarter tank of gasoline just to reach the nearest gas station; some of them question the futility of remaining employed when faced with the economic reality of paying more to commute to work than they actually earn at their job. Every month of the year 2008 has seen a significant rise in the oil futures market, which as of April 23 has priced the May crude oil inventory at nearly $120 per barrel. That might not sound like much until you consider that only 10 years ago the price reached an all-time low of $11.

Over the course of the 20th century, we got so used to cheaply-produced, easy-to-access oil that we put it into everything. The biggest user of oil is of course transportation. We must not only consider personal vehicle use, which in and of itself is vital to a modern high-tech economy. Nearly half of all transportation in North America is freight. In order to stock local stores with all of the consumer products which we take for granted, oil is a cost input. Many of these products are currently shipped by trucks, which constitute the least-efficient mode of freighting goods to stores. As the price of oil rises, naturally the cost of everything that we buy – from chewing gum to plasma televisions – will increase as well.

On a more fundamental level than transportation, the world is bearing witness to the most dangerous reality of our present era. Food prices are escalating drastically as food producers must index their prices to account for the rising costs of their fuel and oil-based fertilizer inputs. Canadians may currently enjoy consuming tropical fruits in the dead of winter, but that luxury will not be so readily available to working families as the cost of a can of peaches approaches $5. While many understand that food prices invariably rise with inflation, citizens of western countries will not peacefully tolerate an exponential rise in the cost of such a basic provision as food, the cost of which will marginalise them as equally as the west has marginalised so-called developing nations over the past century.

Look around your house and you will locate innumerable products and services which would not exist in a mass-market context without a readily-available supply of cheap oil: plastic products, fertilizers, medicines, cosmetics, clothing, building materials, household chemical agents, home heating, and electricity (in some areas of North America). It is unlikely that modern industrial civilization will be able to continue to produce the cheap plastic items which currently populate our lives and our landfills. The economically marginalised of the future will enjoy short, brutal lives digging through landfills in search of the plastics of the 20th century, from which oil will be reconstituted and utilized by those wealthy enough to isolate themselves in a transplanted 20th century lifestyle of oil dependence. I hate to simplify reality and push a metaphor too far, but oil is and always was a dinosaur whose extinction was prolonged by human genius.

Y2K was an expression of the millennial angst inherent in a transition between centuries; it shared a tradition with medieval anxieties from a thousand years ago. Collectively we breathed a sign of relief as the computers continued to function and the planes did not fall out of the sky. Then we all moved on with our lives to enjoy the new millennium. Peak oil will fulfil these dormant anxieties and prove to be the long tomorrow which will obliterate everything that modern civilization has come to appreciate as “the good life”. In the pages of View and elsewhere, myself and others have repeatedly stressed both the nature and the importance of this concept, and I will not repeat myself here except with the following provision: without accounting for future growth in oil use and potential arctic deposits, there exists slightly less than 30 years of conventional oil reserves on the entire planet. Most people reading this article will be alive thirty years from now.

Don’t worry, you might say; in Canada, we have a few trillion barrels of oil, which will fulfill the oil needs of the planet for at least the next century. While I will presently ignore the fact that one hundred years is not much time when placed along the scale of human history and that such mathematics merely postpones the inevitable for a few generations, a more important fact must be considered. Canada’s tarsand oil deposits represent the dying vanities of modern industry. They are an environmental nightmare second only to China’s legion of coal plants. More importantly, they are the most expensive source of oil currently known. Much of the tarsands cannot be economically developed at even today’s high price of oil. These deposits will become financially feasible as oil approaches $200 per barrel and nuclear reactors, needed to evaporate the water necessary for oil extraction, start to become commonplace in the prairies. Ask yourself if you will truly enjoy a world in which the only way to produce enough oil to meet the “needs” of the world is to price it beyond the reach of the vast majority of the Earth’s inhabitants. This is the paradox which will terminally damn the world’s poor and middle classes.

Industrial civilization will transition from bathing in oil to rationing its use to those projects deemed most vital. Enlightened leadership will currently require the proper investment of oil as we enjoy the peak of world production – building massive-scale renewable energy plants and mass-transportation networks; reserving enough oil for the medical requirements of the next century; and perhaps most importantly, rationing enough oil for the production and distribution of affordable food supplies. Only then will the economic and social hardships of the transition from the era of plentiful oil to that of marginal reserves be minimized.

Citizens of democratic countries must demand action now and not when the pumps run dry. Resource scarcity leads to panic, which in turn leads to massive social unrest and violence, which in turn leads to civil and international warfare and ultimately to fascism. With a degree of willpower, sacrifice, and Obama-esque positivism (“Yes we can! Yes we can!”), then modern civilization will prove stronger as a result of the transition from a society of waste and excess to one of mutual and exponential socio-economic benefit. It is however my greatest fear that the true lessons learned over the 20th century – namely greed, vanity, and avarice – will ultimately lead to indifference toward the plight of those left out of the oil loop. Of course, the Pentagon in the U.S. has its own mathematics concerning the issue, namely the use of nuclear weaponry to dissallow foreign oil use by foreign populations. Darfur, Haiti, and Iraq are the opening wounds in a process which may prove to scar us all. Welcome to the 21st century.

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

Dr. Atif Kubursi - Is Economics Relevant?

A lecture from Dr. Atif Kubursi should prove to be a good travelling companion. I too like to commute with music, but sometimes talk is more productive.

Is Economics Relevant?

Monday, June 18, 2007

the sweet(corn) little lie, part one: oil



MP3: The Last Poets - White Man's Got A God Complex

Ever since September of 2001, the North American mediasphere has been continually repeating a mantra about reducing our collective dependence on oil imported from the Middle East. There are a variety of reasons for this desire. First and foremost, there is a security concern regarding Persian Gulf oil. Due to a complex web of colonialism, resource exploitation, and a
religious/cultural reaction to modernity, the Middle East is a violent and dangerous place to do business. Furthermore, there is the issue of sustainability. Logic dictates three courses of action: either North Americans get used to consuming about 70% of the oil that they currently enjoy using, or instead find new local sources of combustible fuel. The third option is that which the Bush White House refers to as apocalyptic, namely the termination of the American way of life.

The first option is perhaps more logically sound. By investing hundreds of billions of dollars into mass transportation infrastructure and currently-available high-efficiency technologies, per capita oil consumption will decrease. Further reductions in consumption can be realized by regulatory changes made possible by effective governance, such as a mandatory improvement of vehicular gas mileage (as a better first step, the production of non-hybrid consumer vehicles could be banned) and the termination of taxation subsidies to unsustainable residential development (suburbia, urban sprawl). Basically, the age of the single-occupant, low-efficiency vehicle must end. Traffic sprawl leading to road rage and long commutes spent away from families, as well as the fact that automobiles amount to about 30% of carbon emissions leading to climate change, should signal to most logical people that this most inefficient and unsustainable use of oil is the result of myopic and short-sighted planning and development rather than “the way things just are”.

The current generation of technology is perfectly adequate to handle this challenge. Any politician who delays current legislative action to promote a more sustainable energy infrastructure, and instead promotes the research and development of future clean-technologies over the application of current clean-technologies, is being entirely disingenuous to their electorate. Perhaps it is more accurate to say that such politicians are spineless bastards who are in the back pocket of corporate interests and can't see the future beyond their own pointless careers.

Let us turn to the second method of reducing North American dependency on Middle Eastern oil. To this end, a little history of the business of oil is required. When Americans first began to utilize oil, America itself was the gold-standard for oil production in the world. No other nation on Earth had either the oil resources or the technological infrastructure to realize the amount of oil which America brought to world markets. The U.S. became exceptionally rich, as the cheapest oil on the planet fuelled most of the economic progress of the 20th century.

Then came 1970. Although the debate certainly did not happen in the 1970s, at this point America came to understand the reality of peak oil by experiencing an energy crisis. American oil production has been in drastic decline ever since, with only the discovery of a few small oilfields to offset the monumental loss in production capacity in the existing ones.

As a quick primer, peak oil refers to oil production models. Unlike other natural resources such as metals or timber, substances, such as oil, which are confined under high pressure under the Earth’s crust typically follow a bell curve of resource extraction: after an initial high investment, oil flows ever more cheaply until production peaks. At the point of peaking, oil production is at its highest and oil prices (under the whims of market capitalism) are at their lowest. However, the remaining half of the oil reserves that remain underground require an increasing amount of energy to extract, which results in an irreversible and exponential increase in cost. There comes a point before the depletion of oil reserves where it takes more energy to extract the oil than you actually get from burning it. Perhaps this last fact explains why oil companies are on sound footing when they claim that we will never run out of oil.

Of course, as anyone who lived through the 1970s can attest, along with high costs come resource scarcity and social unrest. North America witnessed gas stations which closed due to the unavailability of oil, a major spike in the price of domestic goods, and the first major economic recession since the end of the Second World War. (On a progressive tangent, the 1970s also saw the rise of higher-efficiency vehicles and the environmental movement.) Suddenly the Middle East, which contained the world’s only other large source of cheaply-recoverable oil, entered into American consciousness. For the sake of simplicity, let us ignore the geopolical problems, and the resultant rise in terrorism, which have plagued the Middle East since the late 1970s. Focussing on what North Americans actually care about, oil prices fell to “normal” levels over the 1980s and 90s, bottoming out around $12 per barrel just before 2000.

Fast forward to 2007. The Middle East is increasingly shrouded in flames and misery, gas prices are the highest they have ever been, and America is in the fourth year of its military occupation of Iraq. While we will have to wait about a decade or so to state conclusively, many experts have calculated that global oil production will peak sometime between 2002 and 2010; the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, for example, believes that the peak happened in 2004. And yet, it seems that ex-President Bush Sr’s 1992 prognostication that “the American way of life is non-negotiable” has come to pass. Vehicular fuel-efficiency standards have bottomed out, suburban sprawl continues unabated, and the energy-dependent North American lifestyle is increasingly under attack from all corners, including Europe, while it is simultaneously increasing its energy footprint. Most North Americans are blissfully living their lives as though there are no limits to resource consumption, and that there should be no plan for our future other than “business as usual”.

Apparently, North Americans will not alter their oil-dependent lifestyles; the freedom to drive 300 kms back and forth from work everyday supercedes any rational distribution of what is an increasingly scarce resource. So where is North America looking for its oil if not from the Persian Gulf? It should come as no surprise that the Alberta oilsands figure most prominently in the discussion. These oil deposits, discovered many decades ago, are only now coming into use. To answer the question as to why Canada was not the oil powerhouse of the 20th century that it will be for the 21st, we must understand the nature of this resource. To be brief, the oilsands require a certain oil price to be reached before they can economically be brought to market. When America invaded Iraq in 2003 and oil jumped to $35-40 dollars per barrel, oil prices reached the point at which development in the oilsands was economically feasible.

With prices currently between $60-70 per barrel, North American oil companies are making hundreds of billions of dollars from the 175 billion barrels of oil available in the oilsands. As prices climb towards $100 per barrel, suddenly another 150 billion barrels are “economically recoverable”. As the price of oil continues to increase, the majority of Alberta’s 2.5 trillion barrels of hydrocarbon deposits will come to market. All of a sudden, America will have the world's largest forseeable energy reserve within reach of an easily defendable pipepline.

This reality seems to provide a degree of logic to American foreign policy: destabilizing oil-producing regions increases the price of oil, which allows the oil in Alberta’s oilsands to suddenly be “economically recoverable”. To this end, it is my fear that for the sake of economic development Canada will increasingly ignore certain geopolitical realities as America continues the hostile practise of oil market inflation. In fact, in regards to the 21st century’s most important energy resource, the oilsands have the potential to allow the United States to finally realize its latent philosophical dream of manifest destiny, as Canadian resources become the principle concern in maintaining the American way of life.

Monday, January 22, 2007

2006: The Year of “You”



In the middle of December 2006, Time Magazine released its annual Person of the Year issue and stirred up a small media frenzy by proclaiming this year’s winner to be the somewhat eponymous “you”. The idea behind this proclamation is the supposed influence of the accumulated efforts of the “little people” against the might of concentrated power. Thanks, Time, for yet another sentimental ode to the “little people”. This media-constructed humunculus – “you” – has, according to this particular arm of the Time-Warner media empire, taken power away from the corporate and media elite by means of YouTube and Wikipedia, open-source software and user-produced media, and Web 2.0 and cellphone cameras. What a magical and revolutionary time in which we live, when technology is available to liberate the individual.

Well, please forgive this “little person” writer from Hamilton for questioning the wisdom of the Time-Warner empire trumpeting the technological utopia which awaits, but Pardon My Lunch Bucket.

Ok, just so the cards are on the table here: one of the largest media conglomerates in the world is telling us that through the collective will of our user-produced efforts, the power dynamic is switching from elite control to mass, democratic control of the mediasphere. Finally, after years of neglect by the media hierarchy, suddenly the voices of the mass citizen are being heard. The will of the people is now more accurately realized. Democracy 2.0, if you like. But of course, we won’t know the full story of this revolution unless money is exchanged so that a certain media conglomeration will release to the masses this knowledge in the form of a paid-subscription magazine. Which sounds suspiciously like that old democracy that we already have, and which for the vast majority of the working population amounts to Democracy 0.7 (beta).



So what? you might ask, they’re just trying to sell magazines. And here we come to the point. Time-Warner sells roughly 5 million monthly copies of Time Magazine in North America. It is not unreasonable to assume that an end-of-year special issue sold around the holiday season has the potential to double those sales figures. All told, production of this magazine amounts to roughly 200,000 tonnes of waste and consumes roughly 1,000,000 trees per year. You might assume in an era of blue-box programs that Time-Warner could use recycled paper to print, instead of cutting down virgin forests. In 1994, they did indeed move to a 10% recycled-paper mandate, but changed that stance less than a year later.

To make the issue even more obsessive, I am not so sure that the metallic foil used to create the mirror on the cover of the 2006 “You” issue of Time Magazine is the most recyclable thing. I would guess quite the opposite in fact, and thus the whole issue would end up in the trash in the face of the economic reality of recycling, namely who sorts the shit. Furthermore, we can talk about the environmental impact of the energy spent producing and distributing the magazine. Long story made brief, by purchasing this issue, “you” are indeed making waves in the world. To summarize: this corporation cuts down forests and contributes to climate change to sell us a product describing how we the “little people” are affecting positive change in the world.

2006 was for many the year of environmental awareness. After the surge in environmental “events” over the past three or four years, the media could no longer ignore the science of climate change. Leaders of the world’s nations are now almost universal in their call to address the issue. In the wake of a poll suggesting that 70% of Canadians think the environment to be one of the most important issues for the country, the notoriously anti-green Conservative government has done an about-face and reinstituted the Liberal government’s previous environmental policies that it had scrapped the year before (read: no new money, in real terms).

In light of the urgency of the matter (as of January 21, 2007, I would like to welcome most people who live in southern Ontario to the beginning of only our second week of “proper” winter temperatures) I think that Time Magazine’s rather empty gesture can be easily co-opted into something of greater significance. This indeed is the time in which “you” is a needed concept in relation to societal change, but not in the superficial manner suggested by Time .

Conceptually speaking, Time’s notion of the power and influence of “you” is misguided at best, and self-serving and delusional at worst. If Time Magazine were serious about its conception of this all-important “you”, then it would have printed a magazine containing user-produced content of the type it is glamourizing. A whole issue created by the readers. Or it might have put a different image on its cover, such as what I have here produced in five seconds.



An even more interesting discussion would be about the true power of this “you” in relation to social change. Along the lines of, say, the Orange Revolution in the Ukraine a few years ago. Remember that little “you” event, when millions of Ukrainians participated in daily protests and general strikes until the leaders who stole power gave up control of the government to properly elected officials?

Such efforts might prove useful in dealing with the fact that 70% of the American population wants the Iraq war to end at the same time that the White House is requesting the commitment of additional troops. Follow that example of “you” from eastern Europe: stop going to work, stop going to school, stop going to the mall, stop everything until the war stops. Then when the war stops, put an “American” spin on the event by going back to work and fighting for health-care. Surely, Time could mobilize its wide readership to act for change by talking about this revolutionary “you” power in a more legitimate sense than they have. But then again, in the process Time-Warner would probably lose a great deal of ad revenue, among other things.

And yet the Time article was not wholly wrong. The technologies to which it refers in judging the importance of “you” are indeed progressive technologies. But the important thing about YouTube is not that more and more people are making videos about politics using Lego parts. It’s that people are realizing that they would rather spend hours and hours making said Lego masterpieces than sit and watch network television or otherwise participate in the traditional mediasphere.

I am well aware as to the reasons why a legitimate debate concerning the true impact of “you” on human civilization and the Earth as a whole will not happen in a publication such as Time Magazine. That discussion might begin by investigating the degree to which journalism has fallen from its once important function as arbiter for the public good.

Don’t listen to the media elites as to why this change occurred toward the end of the last century; they’ll tell you that they are simply providing that which “you” are demanding. After all, it was “you” that brought to television American Idol and to the internet the execution of Saddam Hussein. So it will be “you” that programs the next revolution: a people with revolutionary potential are reduced to staring into the cover of a magazine in a supermarket, trying to find themselves.

Monday, June 26, 2006

Tory math makes children cry



Since the minority Tory government was installed in January, the Conservatives have made quite a lot of noise about the importance of their budgetary tax cuts and changes in government spending. In addition to a $1200 per year child support allowance, the Tories have promised a one percent reduction to the GST, a slight increase to the personal exemption credit, a much-needed mass transit credit worth 15.5% of the cost of a pass, and a tax increase from 15 to 15.5 percent on the first $36,000 of your income. That last point is worth noting, as this is the first recorded instance in Canadian history of a government decreasing income taxes by increasing the income tax rate.

In reality, save for the transit credit there is no way that these tax cuts will amount to anything for the vast majority of Canadians. Only those whose income is high enough to allow them to freely spend thousands of dollars each month will see anything of merit. If you have an income of, say, $3000 per month, you might have $500 of it to spend at your leisure. By lowering the GST by 1 percent, you will save around $5 of that $500 per month. A one percent reduction in retail tax does not address any of the problems faced by people who pay taxes or work in this country. It will not stimulate retail sales, or put any extra money back into the pockets of those who might need it.

Furthermore, it really is a shame that the plan for child care in this country fell through the floor. Since when does a $1200 yearly cheque pay for day care? By this, I can only assume that the Conservatives cannot rationalize their costs on this one. If they could, they would see that by giving working families $4.80 per business day (assuming you qualify for the full $1200; since the rebate is reduced by income, if you earn $30,000 you will not see anywhere near $1200) they are insulting employed parents by ignoring their actual living conditions. Furthermore, they are insulting early childhood care providers who surely make more than five bucks in a day. The old Liberal plan for child care was to increase the number of childcare facilities and staff to the point where it could be incorporated into the educational system as pre-kindergarten. Now I don’t like the Liberals either, but that sounds like a real plan. Some might even call it a strategy for future success. Now, to add balance to this argument let’s look again at the Conservative plan.

There is no Conservative plan for childcare in Canada. Instead, the Tories are doing something for which they have criticized every other party: throwing money at the problem. Literally. “Hey problem-with-childcare-in-Canda-wherein-working-families-
cannot-afford-childcare, how are you doing?” Stephen Harper might say. “Here’s $1200 bucks. Go away.”

To analogize, the Tory "plan" for daycare is akin to giving parents $15 bucks a day and calling it a functional educational system. Maybe the Tories thought you could add the $5 monthly GST rebate to the $4.80 childcare “program” to further provide for the well-being of your family. This brings the total amount of care that the Conservative government wishes for your children to $5.04 per day. Which is about the cost of a movie rental these days. Which gives us a TV babysitter in the guise of a Tory Childcare Plan. Moving on. Dot. Org.

More interesting to those who study semantics is the increase in the tax rate for income up to $36,400. I think it works as follows: for many workers, there will be an increase in the tax rate decrease of negative 0.5 percent. That’s right working-poor, look forward to that tax decrease of -0.5% as if you earn up to $36,400 you will not see your taxes go down, but rather in the negative-down direction. Which is up. As in the poor pay more taxes and have even less disposable income for the GST credit.

This now explains to me why the Tories have changed Canada’s strategy for childcare. To the best of my abilities, the assumption works like this. If you get two overworked parents to spend $1200 on miscellaneous crap to appease their tired lives, they will ignore the fact that their kids underperform at school and their taxes have negatively gone down. This underachieving lifestyle is due primarily to the lack of an “environment of intellectual interest”, which usually involves parents having the time to involve themselves or the money to involve other people in the lives of their children. Hopefully, the $1200 also appeases the many single parents who might have a job or go to school and who thus far don’t have any choice but the whoever-works-for-free-oh-wait-you-aren’t-available-anymore policy that they can afford. In either case, neither parents nor their kids in these situations will have a good chance of securing the education they need to get good jobs and move them out of the $36,400 tax bracket. Since more taxpayers are to be found in a bracket which had its taxes decreased by negative 0.5 percent, the economy is stimulated enough to offset the $15 billion in increased military spending. Now that’s how you grow an economy, son!

Some economists hypothesize that the economy would be best stimulated by raising the disposable income of the bottom twenty percent of income earners. Their reasoning suggests that it is better for the economy and most citizens within to have one million consumers spend ten bucks each rather than one man spending ten million in one go. When you consider that the masses are going to make small purchases more habitual and frequent than the wealthy are going to make large ones, you cannot help but assume that tax cuts for the working poor will make more money available to the system as a whole and thus stimulate the economy in the negative-down direction.

None of these economists are in the employ of the Conservative government.

For such a junk budget, the transit tax break is nice to see, even if it is a direct descendent of a Liberal attempt to adhere with the Kyoto accord. Frankly, with the mounting expenses associated with global climate change, now is indeed the time to encourage progressive solutions such as mass transit through tax incentives.

I think the Conservative government needs to go back to school on the tax issue, that is assuming they don't use one of those "10 bucks per day" schools to which I earlier referred. Perhaps the real issue which we should discuss is why $15 billion of our money is being spent on military acquisitions. For example, maybe we could claw that back to $10 billion and spend the other five on a child care program. Oh wait, that was the last Liberal budget, wasn’t it???

I find it more than fascinating that Conservative parties tell us that they are the only ones who have the economic expertise to balance the books while they are in fact a most spendthrift group of faux-economists. Only after a few years will we see whether the Conservatives will maintain Canada’s world-leading budget surpluses (inherited from the Liberals) or squander the wealth for inaccurate tax cuts and bad spending. The fact is, if you search the net for any of Harper’s past writings or speeches, you’ll soon realize that this government is shying away from the media for the very obvious reason that it has a degenerate ideological approach to governance. By giving the Conservatives the vote at last election, we traded a child care plan from a group of lying backscratchers for a short-sighted rebate coupon from a group of covetous and prehensile ideologues whose numbers don’t add up.

By the way, did you notice that your taxes are going up this year?

Tuesday, August 23, 2005

Turning Oil into Trees



Last week the U.S. made it clear that it was no longer going to abide by NAFTA. Since the late 1980s, many critics have argued that NAFTA had always been intended as a one-way deal, with the majority of benefits going to American business interests.

The issue at hand is of course Canada’s long-standing complaint concerning the importation duties that United States trade officials imposed on many wood exports. The most recent – which the BC government, who must have a quotient of horror film aficionados on staff ready for every requisite press release, so brilliantly names ‘Lumber IV’, commenced in May of 2002. At the time, it was argued that Canada was illegally subsidizing lumber production. Since then roughly $5 billion in anti-dumping and countervailing tariffs has been collected from the Canadian Forestry Industry.

Canada has made numerous appeals to both the NAFTA legislating body and the World Trade Organization, and so far every single appeal – except, of course, one done by the U.S. in the U.S. – has demonstrated that Canadian lumber is not being dumped at illegal price levels. Each of these legal actions has demonstrated that the States is acting illegally in collecting duties.

So what has changed recently? Well, for starters Canada won another appeal, this time adjudicated by the very cool sounding NAFTA Extraordinary Challenge Committee. U.S. Trade Representative Rob Portman’s stated “We are, of course, disappointed with the ECC’s decision, but it will have no impact on the antidumping and countervailing duty orders given the ITC’s November 2004 injury determination. We continue to have concerns about Canadian pricing and forestry practices.”

In my mind, the issue follows a simple supply model. Canada has a lot of space for a lot of trees. Thanks to urban sprawl, industrial growth, and a tenfold higher population, the United States simply cannot compete with Canada on a tree for tree basis. Obviously, any business which has a controlling interest over raw resources will be able to operate more cheaply. Moreover, despite some ecological nightmares that continue to occur in Canadian forestry, the industry up here has more environmental protections in place than do their southern counterparts, largely due to the early realization that the healthy re-growth of forests results in a more profitable industry. The principal issue the U.S. has with Canadian forestry practices is that our Crown land is cheaper than competing tracts of land in the States. This stance ignores the fact that most land in the U.S. is more expensive than in Canada. Again, let me refer you to the tenfold higher population, the smaller country, and the so-called open-market system. Few people live in Northern British Columbia or North-Western Ontario (I don’t meant North Bay, I mean north of Armstrong), and consequently land prices are fairly low in comparison to, say, Washington State.

More importantly than the U.S. reaction – which we should frankly just come to accept as the manner in which they do business – is that of our own government. All of a sudden, the Liberals seem to have a spine in regard to Lumber IV. First they called off trade negotiations for the simple reason that you cannot bargain with people who don’t abide by trade agreements. Furthermore, today Industry Minister David Emerson spoke about efforts to retaliate: “I have a background from my younger days in hockey. When somebody slammed you into the boards with undue force and aggression, you took their number. I think we've got to take their number." So what number is being taken, specifically? Nothing has yet been announced, but Emerson mentioned that Ottawa is seeking to list a number of American exports that will have duties applied “without serious damage to the Canadian economy and, hopefully, with maximum impact in the U.S.”

Sadly, Emerson was quick to rule out the resource with the most pressing potential to the American economy. By imposing exportation duties onto Canadian oil reserves heading for the U.S., as NDP leader Jack Layton had initially proposed, the American population would quickly notice the results at the pumps. This would have a double effect. The duties would cause the average American to begin to think about why the country’s gas prices are so high, and if Canada played the PR game properly, a great deal of pressure could be exerted. Additionally, it would cause many northern U.S. residents to cross the border into Canada to buy gas, much like Canadians were doing in the late 1980s. This would allow gas tourists to see what a nice country it is up here, with all of our pretty trees.

The reasoning behind Canada’s refusal to restrict oil supply to the States is largely provincial, in that the Albertan economy would be “unfairly targeted” (maybe you should tell that sob story to east coasters, oil ranchers…). Realistically speaking however, every country on the planet needs a hell of a lot of oil, and China or India in particular would love to get a piece of Alberta’s black gold. But of course, that means Alberta’s oil industry might have to actually do some work to promote itself, instead of just opening the floodgates to our southern neighbours.

Out of all of this, normal Americans might start to get news reports concerning the vast amounts of oil that are just north of them, and wonder why they can’t get it as cheaply as other nations. As oil supplies continue to restrict towards the end of the decade, Canada’s oil supply could prove to be the biggest bargaining chip that the country has against the We-Set-Our-Own-Rules American government. And anyway, what are they going to do? Invade us to get our oil? Put pressure on Alberta to secede from the country? The U.S. just doesn’t (*cough* Venezuela) ever (*cough* Iraq *cough*) do that sort of thing.





NAFTA ECC ruling on U.S. appeal of previous NAFTA rulings

BC government site concerning the dispute

Thursday, April 24, 2003

generative processes: the creation of a new subjectivity, for inscription only -- by the way, this paper sucks for many MANY reasons

There is a nervous condition felt by many under the aegis of advanced capitalist economic practise. It is no longer enough to call it an alienation felt by the distance between workers and the means of production. The interpellative gestures of social and productive discourse under advanced capitalism are misread by many as being a sense of advanced temporality, a quickened pace. It is becoming increasingly difficult for people to cope, each as an individual, to the social and productive demands made on them. Indeed, the very notion of individuality which is fundamental to philosophic and legal discourse in nations which have developed capitalist economies is itself becoming ever more problematised. I wish to take as fundamental to this present examination the notion, elaborated in Hardt and Negri’s Empire, of a hybrid existence between humanity and the machines that are employed in production. There has never been an ontological distinction between humanity and its technological practises and devices. Primitive humans were as fully hybridized with their tools and technologies, in the ontological sense, as their modern counterparts. There has always been a hybridized discourse between what is organic and what is technological. The public sphere is always-already the medium in which the hybrid subject is formed. Through a process of interpellating subjects, the productive agents of society reproduce themselves: “the behaviours of social integration and exclusion proper to rule are thus increasingly interiorized within the subjects themselves” (Hardt & Negri 2000: 23). As a subject always-already interpellated under the panopticon of control which constitutes and reifies such institutions, there is no true exteriority to the system. (If we view resistence against an authority a product of that authority, as Foucault himself does in Discipline and Punish, then what marks the rupture necessary for the creation of an alternate system of production and interpellation: violent interruption of the system, characterised by the two World Wars which led to a relatively peaceful Europe at the expense of many of its former colonies, or the aggressively pacifist resistence which led to Indian independence from Britain?).

Presently, the principle concern that I wish to explore is the degree to which technological hybridization has changed two concepts for philosophical discourse: subjectivity (or even more precisely, the degree to which ‘immanence’ can be understood) and the sublime. Both of these concepts have been tied (historically speaking) to a sense of ‘organic’ transcendence. Alternately phrased, notions of the beautiful and of truth cannot be defined in the same manner as they once had. There is no hieratic (divine) subject to which the gesture of transcendence is given function, as I will further elaborate below. Postmodernity has transformed the beautiful to achieve an aesthetic balance between technological application and natural (human) generation. Technologies which have increased the circulation of goods in order to maximize market development have also allowed increased population flows which simultaneously disrupt and constitute productive capacities. The current developments in the hybridization of human subjects and mechanical processes signal a metonymical exodus, as subjects are continually attempting to dislocate themselves from the limitations of their productive capacity. This occurs in “not only spatial but also mechanical [means] in the sense that the subject is transformed ... toward (or with) the machine – a machine exodus” (Hardt & Negri: 367). Moreover, this exodus “is no longer defined by the linear path it followed throughout the modern period”, as linearity has ceased to function as it once had (see below). It is fitting that the linear technologies of the industrialization would induce linear aesthetic responses (and ruptures, in the sense of Cubist or Expressionist aesthetics), and likewise digital technologies of the post-industrial era, which invoke the referential patterns of the rhizome, will induce non-linear responses (and ruptures). It is my intention to widen the scope of the non-linearity of postmodern subjectivities somewhat, in particular in relation to the conception of aesthetic as relating to temporal continuity.

As advanced capitalist economics, and specifically market capitalism, are continually creating wealth from non-material means not directly tied to labour (such as land and stock market speculations), time itself has become the “exchange value”. In a very reductive sense, time has been erased from the interpellative mechanism of productive social structures which function by (and in order to) creating subjects. It is a form of a vicious cycle, with productive motivation standing as Adam Smith’s infamous ‘invisible hand’. As Hardt and Negri point out, there is alongside ‘material’ labour an ‘affective’ form of production which relates to material labour in a complex manner. Indeed, such production informs the entire landscape of production. Worker alienation is the desire for production to lend meaning to the subject’s existence; desire becomes nothing when it lacks a substantial Other to which it applies itself. Desire for an Other to the present is that which creates time as a concept. This Other has disappeared in modern capitalism to become merely a quantized element of the Self, a temporality wholly dependent on the annihilation of past and present for a marketable future. This is in counter distinction to Marx’s determination that capital always requires an ‘outside’ to itself in order to actualize surplus value. Yet it is within this ‘anomaly’ that a creative space can be located, negotiating the demands of both subject and time, which create themselves in the same expressive gesture (time is, in the sense of creation, a restoration of an infinite present). Furthermore, this motivation, or affective production, is tied to ideology and not material value itself; in Sartre’s formulation, there is no thing-in-itself for the otherwise empty signifier ‘money’ in its most absolute sense. Jameson argues that a good deal of postmodern architecture is emblematic for the empty signification of modern signs. It is interesting in this regard to note the continual use of building design, typically the most capital-intensive medium for aesthetic expression, to metaphorically stand for the deterioration of capital itself. (Is this the ghost of Marx’s ‘general intellect’ in a new form?) The glass skins which form the structures of many contemporary skyscrapers reflects “the difference between a brick and a balloon”, serving to “dematerializ[e spirituality itself] without signifying in any traditional way” (Jameson 1999: 186). Religious doctrine has been shifted from the transcendent gesture of its spiritual forms to become the empty ritualistic faith associated with consumer culture.

New temporalities and subjectivities are formed by technological developments, and these altered senses of time inform conceptions of the ‘present’ in a complex and heteroglossiac manner. The sense of rupture required for Jameson’s notion of periodization has folded in upon itself somewhat. It is becoming increasingly difficult to assuage past and present in the digital archive of culture, as the two are purposefully conflated as a means to further a certain nostalgia for the present. To use Derrida’s conception of the archive as a site of violence, it is my belief that the current exultation of financial gain over the rights of the citizen body is itself a reflection of the violence done to the present by capitalism. This violence cannot be exclusively figured in a national framework. We cannot blame America, for example, for the domination of other countries on moral grounds alone for the simple reason that as morality is situationally relative, there can be universal sense of justice imposed from without. It is not incomprehensible therefore that many who actively seek America’s dominance over other countries see themselves as acting in a morally just manner, and consequently will not relinquish their positions by moral appeals against productive systems. Not only will it be made clear that there is no longer a ‘without’ to which an enlightened individual can retreat, but also the irrationalities and problematics of the system of production and culture which is represented by the semantic figure ‘America’ can be appropriated to perpetuate the disruption of the system as a whole. For the expression of hate only feeds back in upon violent repression and consequently the system is never metamorphosed. The sense of jouissance which constitute the strategies used to legitimate corruption is the same jouissance which constitute the struggle in opposition, and thus mutual destruction is resultantly to be expected. Instead the process must itself be harnessed, (not necessarily under the guise of a conscious control), and restored from internal means. At this point authoritative agents interpret the populace in a manner suggesting a violent reaction in order to further the legitimacy and jurisdiction of Empire. Subjects are themselves interpellated within this violent act: it is their mutual destruction as individuals in the absolute sense which guarantees their formation as subjects in the sense predicating (productive) citizenship. Is it possible to suggest that money, as an otherwise empty signifier, is itself the mark of archival violence? Certainly time is sacrificed for this particular form of impression, as it is excised out of the equation in real financial terms. So is subjectivity in its historical sense, as a newly reinscribed subjectivity, which prefigures the termination of the older productive mechanisms, is fabricated in subjects who are themselves made ‘timeless’ locked into an eternal present of desire and expectation. And yet, lacking the sense of time results in a dislocation of the sublime, at least in regard to Adorno’s reading of Kant’s Critique of Judgement. Gestures made invoking transcendence lead to ideological categories (such as politics or aesthetic judgement), and consequently there can be no possibility for the conceptualization of a universalized entity, or in other words, a transcendent one.

And yet the financial market is itself seeking a certain transcendence, at least in terms of temporal and geographic space. This is a gesture enacted with the recognition that the current system of production is not self-sufficient in relation to profits. The internal stages of the cycle of its decomposition follow Marx’s formulation in Capital, in which money is concentrated in order to be realized as capitalization, usually along production lines which have distinguishable limitations. Every material construct is limited and circumscribed by its creation. In terms of production, growth will be continually diminished by necessary expenditures, and consequently the profit margin diminishes to virtual non-existence. At its most reductive figuration, one only has to refer to the definition of a recession in contemporary economic parlance: not as a loss of money, but a zero growth in profit revenues. It is not enough for capitalism to plateaux, making the same amount of money year after year (even after inflation is accounted for), but rather profits must continually rise, otherwise the company is perceived to flounder under ‘market pressure’. (It is interesting to note that all elements of the rhizome of the various heteroglossiac finanscapes seek to monopolize power, conglomerating like pooled mercury and demonstrating the true nature of market pressure.) As a consequence, capital must itself be dislocated from geographic localization, and indeed ultimately from production itself. It is my belief that with the digital quantization of cultural production, and the emergence of digital technologies of control over manufacturing production, as more and more fragments become autonomous wholes, they network together, functioning as an ever-increasingly omnipresent rhizome of productive interpellation.

Within finance capital itself, the sole value given to the present is in anticipation of future earnings; there is no present without a future-reflection which adds value over the present. Accordingly, it is possible to recognize the non-existence of the future in economic terms, and what we name and quantize as such is merely a certain nostalgia for the present. In reality the present serves as a defence against the future, and the continually diminishing units of time which serve to define the present in economic discourse can be seen to function as the division of the present into nothingness, as more and more instances of the future giving meaning to the present (nostalgia for the present). In this sense the present can never be truly itself in any capacity. Expectation has itself become a consumable product, to the point where the future exists and is reified solely in the financial terms of its present capitalisation. This mechanism can be seen to operate most distinctly in finance capital, yet can be located in other realms of culture and production as well. (It should be noted however that simple reactionary approaches will not serve to ‘fix’ the problems of the postmodern subject, and indeed such nostalgic flights from technology are themselves transformed into commodities, the current zeal for organic farming practices perhaps most emblematic of the ‘back to the Earth’ movement defining itself for the 21st century.) Pastiche is one of the aesthetic figurations for this cross-contamination of the past and the present in terms of content or form, and by its nature as object of interest serves to anticipate the future (itself a form of nostalgia for the present, an anticipated future looking back on the present with a positive judgement). It is possible then to view society itself conglomerating not as a monolithic structure of productive capacity, which is indeed where, in a rather ominous manner, market capital seems to be heading, but rather as a rhizome of micro-productive spheres.

Technological advancement under late capitalism signals the push through capitalism that is required to overcome it. The technologies which Empire requires for its continuation are the same which can be used to overcome the centralization of power which is the principle condition for its existence. This is true even of ‘Empire’ itself as a concept. To use a rather harmless example, the transfer of representational media into the digital realm allows for a greater amount of such cultural products to be more readily consumed. It is far more efficient (and by extension less costly) to produce and distribute texts in their digital form than has been allowed before by any other technology. More importantly, productive capacity has itself begun the process of digital conception, as an ever broadening array of software tools are becoming available for general use. While these developments certainly do not overcome the requirement under modern economic doctrine for the outlay of capital in order to realize productive capacity – one still needs to purchase the computer hardware in addition to having the knowledge of its use, which itself reflects a certain socio-economic elitism – they certainly begin to foreshadow the prognostications Hardt and Negri elaborate in the latter part of Empire.

Within this framework, it is interesting to note the changes that have occurred in representational media over the past few decades. Increasing flows (in Appadurai’s sense) of culture allow older conventions and aesthetics to be recontextualized as individual instances of artistic expression, and not as being representative of the artform itself in any ontological manner. Time is significant in this respect, for the continual accretion of cultural production depends very highly on this continual circulation of textual elements. In this capacity, it is possible to analyse cultural production in a quantified form. Individual artworks do not retain the Benjaminian aura they once had, not only because of mass production but also because of sheer volume of cultural artefacts. Every consumer product has been associated with a variety of representational media – commercials for Coca-Cola can use references to classic cinema as well as top-40 music, and each becomes subsumed to the product itself – and this may lead to sensory anaesthesia in the sense of being able to discern what is substantively original from copies or appropriations. In a very real sense there is nothing which cannot be assigned a monetary value, and one of the crises felt by modern consciousness is the reduction of all the dreams, desires, and histories of individual subjects into a quantized element. It was a very small step from the Anglo-centric media representations of the 1950s to the current panoply of cultural voices which all speak the same language, namely commercial discourse. Literature was perhaps the first to do so, as the reading audience was meant to enter into a fictive state of immanence with the author. Simultaneous to this fact must remain the elitism inherent in the medium; until as late as the 18th century, there were very few participants in the discourse, for both educational and economic reasons.

One of the more prominent tangents that modern musical composition (in the avantgarde, in any respect) has taken involves the transference of determinate control away from the composer. This compositional technique is not entirely a new one – wind chimes and other ‘sound sculptures’ are centuries old – yet by employing them within digital media there is an interesting juxtaposition of temporalities. The ‘aggressive present’ which defines a great deal of modern production has in the computer created a tool for the dissolution of time within the subjective framework of a human lifetime. This has interesting repercussions on the aesthetics and forms of music, itself an expression of a present made absolute in its most truth sense. Music is ephemeral, qualifying each moment with meaning by involving time as a fundamental element. The moment signals both itself and a nostalgic glance away from itself, to its own termination [Death drive?]. One of the responses music has had to digital technologies is to remove the composer from the creative process to a degree not normally associated with aesthetic techniques. Hegel provides a means by which determinacy can be negotiated, as he links it with verbal language and not musical ones. Generative music operates in the vein of Deleuze and Guattari’s conception of the rhizome, as each musical element is informed by and in turn informs every single other element in the system. Any figuration of determinate conceptuality must be cast aside in order to let the piece speak for itself. The composer uses software which generates music based on the rules that the composer wishes to establish, however arbitrary they may be, and themselves made to evolve and create new rules. This process ostensibly is to direct the musical output to as limited a degree as possible while still retaining aesthetic value. Furthermore, generative compositional forms signal the discourse of hybridization between humans and machines. As the system can use adaptive strategies, typically founded on the principles of fractal and biological (population growth and adaptation) mathematics, it can frequently prove to be an interesting juxtaposition and negotiation of compositional and improvisational strategies involving both human subject and machine (can the current state of artificial intelligence research allow us to call it a subject?).

Generative systems seek to hypostatize the present as a fundamental element standing outside of the experiencing subject’s temporality. In other words, the present only exists in relation to an expected future and has no transcendent signification in and of itself. Certainly, this refers back to Kantian transcendence, yet Kant’s notion of the sublime has lost some of its applicability, as the composing subject and the listening subject do not share the same frame of reference. In its most brief and reductive terms, the conditions for judgement by the subject are wholly different, and thus the composer cannot gesture toward the same aesthetics of form used by ‘linear’ composers. In a very real sense, generative music dispels the illusion many feel concerning the aesthetic experience of music, namely that it is a medium invoking a sense of transcendency in the subject. Quite on the contrary, music is forever tied to the present in a manner that other forms of cultural expression are not. The past and future of music do not have any solidity save in a subject’s reflective consciousness, and thus within the ‘past’ of consciousness Kantian judgement enters into the relation between subject and object. In linear musical forms, the present is given meaning by the past (crescendos, harmonies, melodic phrasing, “themes”, etc) and yet with generative music there is no relation of signification other than simple origination. Seen in this context, it is possible to liken such forms of composition to the life process itself, as each moment of music serves not only to signal itself as such but to provide the generative base for future “generations” of notes. By removing the individual from the system of composition (production) to as much a degree as possible, any appeals to the sublime or the beautiful must also be distinguished from their Hegelian traditions, usually used in the discourse of aesthetics. Such composers do not establish parameters in which the compositional output is controlled in a direct manner, but rather the composer determines the course which the music will follow by means of a system of compositional rules.

Jem Finer’s Longplayer project, in which a generative algorithm based on the mathematical dynamics of life processes and other fractal and logarithmic systems continually produces one composition which is intended to remain operational for one entire millennium, is the logical extension of this principle. The piece is intended to be available to anyone with an internet connection, and as well has several physical locations around the planet. Each of these nodes serves to inform the others, and accordingly the system as a whole functions as a rhizome. The process used by Finer invokes contemporary genetic research and refigures that knowledge as an aesthetic principle. In doing so, the work aggressively defies both consumption (in the traditional mode of its operation) and the interpellative practises of modern cultural institutions. There is no single moment of signification in any sense in the ‘present’ of Longplayer. And yet fundamentally the piece serves to heighten the listening subject’s awareness of their own subjectivity, as the machine creating the piece interpellates the listener as a subject identical to all others despite temporal or geographic distance. Principally this is accomplished by removing the conceptual totality of the piece from the boundaries of a single subject position. In other words, all subjectivities are as one to the interpellative capacity of the piece. In actuality there is no ontological distinction between machine, composer, and composition in terms of the listening subject. Consequently, it is possible to determine the essential concern of the piece is human subjectivity to time itself.


APPENDIX????? WTF??!??

At the end of the representational spectrum (at least in terms of its valuation by mainstream society) is digital entertainment, more precisely understood in its more colloquial usage as “video game” or “computer game”. While such terminology refers to the fact that such games take place on video screens, the coincidence of its origin should be noted with the development of the home video revolution (which itself, in a rather melodramatic sense brought people in from the harsh elements of the public exhibition of films). In a very real sense, the new must be described in terms of the old, or what is most easily recognized in conventional terms. When the first mass produced arcade machine entered North American culture in 1972, there was a great deal of confusion as to the relationship between what was on screen and what the user performed: it was felt that the user should do “something”, and then watch the results, thus remaining within the linearity of subjective relation ascribed by the video medium. Other than a few exceptions – being the laserdisc-based games of the early 1980s such as Dragon’s Lair, which were extremely linear and did not involve the participating subject in any meaningful manner by allowing judgement or strategic adaptation – digital gaming is fundamentally antithetical to the process involved in ‘video’, consequently the term should be recognized as a rather appropriate misreading. There is no precise linear equation of medium and its relation to the viewing subject. This lack occurs not only in the ontology of the ‘interface’ – one reads books or watches films or theatrical performances from start to finish, for example – but also in terms of the form of subjectivity interpellated by the medium itself.

Gaming is a user-defined medium which deviates significantly from the traditional figuration of production author/text. The narrative does not exist as a prior object, but rather like generative music unfolds under the guise of a few generative rules, and is given shape as the participating subject progresses through the game itself. In this sense, the subject is author of its own experience; the narrative is reified by the subjectivity imposed on the participating subject. The narrative can be as simple as that which results from a game like Pac-Man and its contemporary equivalent of the first-person ‘shooter’ genre, or as complex as the narratives developed in ‘toy sand-boxes’ such as SimCity and the persistent online playfield of games such as Everquest. The authors of such programs are not placing the participating subject into a totality of narrative and experience such as those of other mediums. Just as has occurred in music by the use of a variety of generative processes in composition, game producers provide the rules by which the system operates but in no manner do they control the ‘final product’ or the experience the subject will have with their creations. There is no conductor who leads the viewing subject to a specific point, but rather the subject itself makes decisions involving (and creating) the outcome. The question remains as to what forms of subjectivities might come to exist in virtual worlds, and perhaps more importantly what happens to time during that process. Such is, by virtue of its diverting nature, wholly beyond the scope of this present examination.




Bibliography

Adorno, Theodore. Problems of Moral Philosophy. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. Stanford:
Stanford UP, 2001.

Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1996.

Deleuze, Gilles, & Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia.
Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1987.

Derrida, Jacques. Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression. Trans. Eric Prenowitz. Chicago:
U of Chicago P, 1996.

Hardt, Michael & Antonio Negri. Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000.

Jameson, Fredric. The Cultural Turn. New York: Verso, 1998.

(Mattelart, Armand. Networking the World: 1794-2000. Trans. Liz Carey-Libbrecht.
Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2000.)

(Therborn, Goran. The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology. New York: Verso, 1980.)

#include "UnitGlue.h"
#include "SCPlugin.h"
#include "MulAddUnit.h"
#pragma export on
//
//function with side effect: var a; func = { a = 69 + 5 }; func.value; //function without side effect: var a; func = { 69 + 5 }; a = func.value;