Monday, November 24, 1997

Hercules Metamorphosed

By the far the most renowned hero in ancient times was Heracles / Hercules. While tradition held a certain ‘pattern’ for his character—an average or expected set of characteristics—authors and poets were continually re-conceptualizing him to suit their own times and their own purposes. It is quite possible to view explicitly many interpretations of the Hercules myth in their respective historical contexts. Whether a writer admired or condemned the character of Hercules greatly determined the role that he was given in the narrative. Both positive and negative perceptions can been seen in Greek and Roman texts; this flawed character was especially suited to tragedy. Although authors reinterpreted the basic myth to serve their own ends—of which Vergil with the Aeneid is exemplary—a pattern of development emerged. Hercules became more of a metaphorical construct, representing the struggle of life over death and conflict within man. Thus two patterns of development can be observed in the character of Hercules: adaptations according to the purposes of individual authors, and a trend toward greater spiritual sophistication.

By examining Hercules in all of the myths in which he is present, it is possible to determine a prototype of his character. Indeed, in doing so, one can associate the origins of the character with Mycenaean times. Exemplary of the highest virtues desired in that era, Hercules possessed enormous strength and physical endurance and was the bravest of men. This in turn led to his importance in the religion and folklore of Mycenae and later Greece. Therefore, explicit within this context, one can see acclamatory sentiments toward Hercules in many authors. Frequently, he is seen as a civilizing force in a world of barbaric chaos. This ‘sophisticating’ aspect of his character can be discerned in the nature of the monsters that he has to overcome in his labours. All of them were supernatural creatures who threatened civilized society: the Hydra and the immortal lion can be seen as encroaching barbarism. Pindar, Timaeus, Aeschylus, and Pisander all praise the hero for these achievements. Yet, such affirmations of Hercules seem merely an appeasement and a supplication to his status as a hero. In the Aeneid, Vergil used Hercules as a means to political and social ends. To a great extent Aeneas was a Roman reincarnation of Hercules, created to exemplify Roman imperialism and unite the populace behind the empire much as Hercules consolidated the disparate Greek city-states. While not nearly as physically imposing as Hercules, Aeneas was nevertheless the most strong and agile warrior in the Aeneid. Additionally, he shared with the Greek hero the utmost self-assurance which his elevated physical ability allowed. Akin to Heracles, he does not check himself in battle but rather relishes it: upon returning to his besieged encampment, “Aeneas was the first to charge against the levies of country-folk...and he was the first to strike Latins down” (Aen. 10, p. 260). The two characters also correspond as founders and defenders of civilization. In addition to his labours, an account of Hercules as civilizer is given in Book VIII of the Aeneid, in which he liberates the people of King Evander from the monster Cacus. The light of civilization was spared from barbarism as Hercules slew the monster and “tore down the doors and the murky den was thrown open” (Aen. 8, p. 209). Aeneas realized a similar achievement: to found Rome he first had to subdue the native Italians. His chief opponent, Turnus, was the absolute embodiment of barbarism; in many ways he was comparable to the opponents of Hercules. Importantly, like Hercules, Aeneas becomes elevated above mortal status by his heroic exploits. Indeed, the comparison between the two heroes in this context was of vital importance for Vergil—and indeed, to his sponsor Augustus—in declaring Roman dominion as having a mythological basis. This belief is implicit in Book VI when Aeneas declares that like Hercules, he too is “descended from highest Jove” (Aen. 6, p. 151). Hercules was thus used as a mythological stamp of approval for Roman imperialism.

Yet Vergil is not in complete accordance with Hercules as a respectable hero. In several manners he seems to view Aeneas as being superior to the Greek hero, partially to reflect a belief in superior Roman morality. Vergil frequently emphasizes that Hercules’s weapon was a club —a primitive bludgeoning device that requires relatively little skill to employ. Alternately, Aeneas wielded spears and more importantly a sword, armaments that can only be constructed in more advanced societies and require an equally elevated sophistication in their handling. Similarly, at times Vergil displays a dislike towards the violence inherent in Hercules’s nature and reflected in Aeneas; several instances in the Aeneid document Aeneas’s tendency to lo losing control to his impulses. As Troy is being sacked, his fury over the loss of this beloved city allowed “madness [to master his] judgement and [gain] complete control” (Aen. 2, 68), and nearly caused him to attack a defenseless woman. When compared to Hercules’s killing of his music teacher Linus, it is easy to note Vergil’s contempt. Indeed, the denunciation of Hercules can be seen in the works of several other authors. Chiefly, they asserted that his extreme strength was dangerous and capriciously applied. One can see such criticism even as early as Homer, who mentions the hubris that Hercules displays and the odious killing of a host, Iphitus (Il. 5.403, Od. 21.28). Yet the most scathing reproach came from Sophocles in the Trachiniae. He portrayed Hercules as a drunk whose vengeance brought the death of Iphitus, whose passions brought the downfall of Oechalia, and whose neglect is painfully felt by his wife and children. A more lighthearted approach to objection can be seen in The Voyage of Argo by Apollonius of Rhodes. In this text, Heracles is gently satirized in a variety of situations: his physical size is noted for the first time in literature as he is forced to sit in the middle of the ship, and he is too strong for his oar to bear (Book 1, p. 67). Yet such docile humour is counterbalanced in the text by a recounting of the murders that he committed, and his last appearance is wholly unflattering. Indeed, Apollonius portrays the irrelevance of such an archaic hero as Hercules for the age in which the poem was written, the Hellenistic period—a time of great scientific and artistic achievement, and an age in which warfare differed greatly from combat portrayed in traditional myths of Hercules. Therefore, in this context it is no surprise that he can not even complete the voyage but is instead drawn away by his passions (Book 1, pp. 70-1). Hercules was further condemned for his hubristic violations of nature. This seems the basis for Seneca’s Hercules Furens, as the hero is seen as the exemplar of human hubris.

While such praise or condemnation of Hercules continued throughout the Greek and Roman periods, one approach to the myth did indeed change over time. Over the centuries, the Hercules myth altered from representing the physical achievements of the hero to symbolizing more metaphysical issues. The true worth of the deeds of Hercules began to be questioned: Lucretius condemned Hercules for ignoring the challenges of the mind and spirit. Yet authors started to merge the two into one concept—the deeds of the hero deriving from spiritual perfection. Thus, the conquests of the hero began to symbolize spiritual accomplishments. Two plays by Euripides exemplify these tendencies. In both Heracles and Alcestis, the hero is forced to confront mortality. Indeed, in the latter play Hercules is seen to overcome death quite literally as he goes down to the underworld and returns with Alcestis. When associated with his ascension into heaven, it can be observed that Hercules became a guarantor of immortality; in reality he was frequently represented in later Roman funeral rites. By the Roman period, the re-evaluation of Hercules as a hero of a spiritual nature became common. In addition to condemning the hero in Hercules Furens, the supreme nature of his spirit in conquering death is emphasized. It is stated that by his virtus he would be able to return from the underworld (312f., 319-24), and constant reference is made to his deification (438ff., 959). By this period, therefore, Hercules can frequently be seen as a symbol of immortality and the struggle of life over death.

From such evidence as has been noted above, admittedly limited to only a few of the multitude of possible authors, it is possible to observe the evolution of the Greek hero from the physical to the spiritual realm. Indeed, in light of the criticism accorded Hercules over the centuries, this transformation conceivably occurred to justify and reaffirm the importance of his character within Greek and Roman society. What is clear about the mythology surrounding the hero is that it was continually being adapted to suit the needs of individual authors. Therefore it is easy to see the protean nature of the Hercules character following two paths: at the same time he transformed in a linear sequence over time, and alternately he was being separately reconstructed by each author in a lateral fashion. Throughout the many changes in Greek and Roman mythology, however, Hercules never lost his importance.

Bibliography
Apollonius of Rhodes. The Voyage of Argo. Trans. E.V. Rieu. London: Penguin Books, 1971.

Fitch, John G. Seneca’s Hercules Furens: A Critical Text with Introduction and Commentary.
Ithaca, USA: Cornell University Press, 1987.

Hamilton, Edith. Mythology. Boston, USA: Little Brown and Company, 1942.

Vergil. The Aeneid. Trans. W.F. Jackson Knight. London: Penguin Books, 1972.

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